Timely Reminder
by Rita Manchanda
The Telegraph
December 28, 2023
Rita Manchanda looks at the part women have played in the Naga
movement and seeks a more substantive role for them in the ongoing
talks.
From the reports on the “historic” return of the top
Naga leaders — Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu — to
the peace table, one could hardly imagine that a critical constituent
in mobilizing support for the peace process and reaching out across
the factional divides are the Naga women. The Naga Ho Ho or Council
of Tribal Elders occasionally get mentioned, but the rest get subsumed
in the catch- all phrase of “various Naga social organizations”— a
euphemism for what approximates to civil society.
It is crucial to emphasize the role of the Naga social organizations
and the women’s groups in particular. All too often, peace
negotiations get reduced to an exercise in power sharing between
the armed protagonists, producing new cycles of violence. Marginalize
the multiple stakeholders that have worked to sustain the ceasefire
in the last eight years, and you marginalize the possibility of
bringing to a just and dignified closure India’s longest-running
insurgency. When the ceasefire agreement was concluded in July
1997, there was limited support for pursuing peace negotiations.
It was mediation by these organizations that gave social legitimacy
to the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) to speak
for Naga aspirations at the peace table.
Today, the government and the NSCN (I-M) would find it difficult
to walk away from the peace table without provoking widespread
public disaffection. It is the result of the sustained efforts
of the Naga Ho Ho, the United Naga Council, the churches, Naga
Peoples Movement for Human Rights, the students’ organizations
and, above all, the Naga Mothers’ Association and Naga Women’s
Union of Manipur. At their “consultative table” in
Bangkok, the NSCN (I-M) gave the women a seat at the table because,
as they put it, “we need them”.
Within the community, the decade-long campaign of “Stop
All Bloodshed” of the Naga women has produced a social expectation
of their peace role. The story is apocryphal — NMA President
Neidonuo Angami bursts forth in the midst of a battle between warring
factions in Phek township and appeals — “Listen to
your mother, before you kill your brother”. It has become
part of folklore, socially reinforced by the traditions of pukrelia or demi. A pukrelia would burst forth amid warring groups holding
a stick to stop the killing of men who were her kin by blood and
marriage. Another tribal tradition has an elderly woman drop her
mekla and shame the men into stopping the war.
The tradition was relived in Imphal in July, when Meitei women
protested in the nude outside the Assam Rifles headquarters. It
reinforced the agitation against the Armed Forces Special Powers
Act. Under pressure, New Delhi agreed to Assam Rifles’s vacating
their camp HQ at Kangla Fort and to withdrawing the AFSPA in some
areas. However, the Meira Paibis, who had been in the forefront
of the protest were derided and discredited in the local media.
It was a reminder of the road blocks in the pathway of women. Post-conflict
undervaluation of women’s contribution is not new. At issue
is not only demographic equity but that of women making a difference
in both the praxis and substance of peace-building. Consequently,
there is need to recover the story of the women in the Naga peace
process.
From the head-hunting days to now, Naga women have used their “exclusion” from
politics as a resource to negotiate with the state and non-state
armed actors to protect their communities; to mediate between warring
factions of the Naga underground; to sustain the ceasefire and
to build inter-community people-to-people dialogues.
At the peak of the conflict during the Sixties, it was the women
who stepped forward between the villagers and the soldiers. When
the Naga national movement splintered, “we mothers would
go to the warring factions, walk to their camps and plead with
them not to kill each other and not to harass the villagers.” When
inter-factional violence went out of control in 1994, the NMA initiated
the “Stop All Bloodshed”. Interventions were made through
tribal affiliation of the groups. In Kohima, it was the women of
the Sumi Totemi Ho who went with the Sema Ho elders to appeal to
the Khaplang cadre to stop the bloodshed. Nearly a decade later,
the NMA in 2003 re-pledged its commitment to stop all violence.
Post-ceasefire, the women extended their role to arranging a meeting
between the top leaders. In January 1999, the women went to Bangkok
and met the NSCN leaders and later went on foot across the border
to Myanmar to S.S. Khaplang’s central headquarters. On their
return they were debriefed by 16 of the top leaders of the NSCN.
Naga women were now being trusted to be interlocutors between the
two factions. The meeting between the two NSCN factions did not
happen but the women did manage to facilitate a meeting between
the NNC Federal and the NSCN.
A month after the ceasefire agreement, the women were a party
to a 22-member action committee. Their pressure has resulted in
revising the ground rules to include safeguarding the human rights
of civilians. Women’s groups were integral to the campaign
to sustain the ceasefire despite the strains following the arrest
of Muivah, tension over the territorial extension of the ceasefire
to all Naga areas and endemic ceasefire violations. It is in recognition
of this that the women were called to the Naga consultative meetings
convened by the NSCN in Bangkok. Contrary to the January meeting,
in May, six senior women of the Isak-Muivah faction were present.
Camp Hebron may revitalize the ties.
Representatives of the state institutions have been reluctant
to democratize the peace table. The ceasefire monitoring cell convenor,
R.V. Kulkari, even tends to view social organizations as “fronts” and
dismisses the women as ineffectual and irrelevant. However, at
this stage when the “unity” issue and the demand for
the integration of the Naga peoples could derail the peace process,
the role of the Naga social organizations has emerged as most vital,
particularly that of Naga women. Let this be one peace process
where women are not marginalized.
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